Frome’s Green Ink Backs
Advocacy Journalism Role
Back to Top
With a name like Green Ink: An Introduction to Environmental Journalism, Michael Frome’s new paperback from the University of Utah Press is a natural for the shelf of any aspiring or even veteran environmental journalist, let alone for any academic plying the trade.
But journalists and other close readers should be mindful that in providing a broad “introduction,” Frome in fact offers up his case for what he describes in the preface as “a different kind of journalism, advocacy journalism in behalf of the environment, yet hewing to basic principles of literacy, accuracy, fairness, and meeting the deadline.”
A veteran chronicler of environmental issues with a clear and unblemished bent for the “green” mission of his writing, Frome practices and advocates precisely the kind of journalism that gives more traditional journalists a reputation for being advocates and not just reporters. Frome makes that clear in his preface, for those who choose to read it closely:
“Advocacy is a word we have been taught to avoid. It marks a bias, something most journalists are convinced should not be acknowledged, despite the fact that it is inescapable. But my point is that we ought to be advocates for the health and safety of the planet, professionally and personally concerned with global warming, acid rain, destruction of tropical and temperate forests, loss of wilderness and wildlife, toxic waste, pollution of air and water, and population pressures that degrade the quality of life.”
Frome tries, whether successfully or not must rest with each reader, to “face and resolve the question of ‘objectivity.’” He gives voice to a definition of environmental journalism as “writing with a purpose, designed to present the public with sound, accurate data as the basis of informed participation in the process of decision making on environmental issues.”
But despite that journalism-303-sounding media-and-democracy classroom definition, he acknowledges that his approach “is not the way it works in ‘mainstream’ or ‘conventional’ journalism,” where, he says, environmental journalism “continues to suffer under the delusion that objectivity is being maintained.”
In example after example, Frome points to an array of liberal and progressive sources to document and justify the need for advocacy journalism, acknowledging it as “anathema” for many mainstream media and journalism schools.
For finding story ideas, Frome suggests that writer-wannabes “build your contacts as a volunteer” by working, for instance, as volunteers on local Audubon or Sierra Club media projects or for those group’s newsletters. “It is a way to learn the issues, contribute constructively, see your work in print, and build contacts and confidence,” he writes. More Frome advice: “Read everything” and “Look to your models, who show how to write with clarity and authority, who shape ideas into timely and tireless writing, provocative, with strong voice and viewpoint.”
Through his decades of personal experiences as both a writer and a university lecturer – including an arguably self-serving description of his 1971 “censorship” as a columnist for the American Forestry Association’s American Forests – Frome offers readers a tempting, if not broad, overview of green, as in advocacy, journalism. Teachers and students sampling his offering should do so with a firm understanding that his indeed is a “different” kind of journalism from what the black-ink journalists of an earlier day might still long for.
In that sense, it’s not so much an introduction to environmental journalism, as the subtitle suggests. Rather, Frome’s is a bugle call for a kind of advocacy writing achievable only long after the fundamentals of news writing and of environmental protection have been well mastered. And then only for publications and columns and vehicles clearly identified as advocacy.
Green Ink: An Introduction to Environmental Journalism, Michael Frome, University of Utah Press, Salt Lake City, copyright 1998, 204 pages in paperback (ISBN 0-87480-582-1).
Terrorism Concerns Outweigh Right-to-Know Concerns:
One-Year FOIA Ban On ‘Worst Case’ Data Likely
Back to Top
On August 5, 1999, President Clinton signed into law legislation (S 880) imposing a one-year moratorium on disclosure of worst-case or “offsite consequence analysis” information concerning potential harm to health and communities from plants handling hazardous chemicals.
A provision in the 1990 Clean Air Act, as amended, required tens of thousands of industrial plants to develop risk management plans (RMPs) outlining potential risks to communities from chemical hazards on their sites. Those plans are to be available to state officials, local fire fighters, the public and the media in anticipation that the general “light of day” disclosures themselves would prompt safer plant operations.
As the June 1999 regulatory deadline for disclosure neared, the chemical industry raised fears of terrorism and of terrorists targeting the most vulnerable communities (see E.W., April 1999). Environmentalists countered that the industry was more concerned with hiding dangers than with trying to correct them.
The new law:
- exempts propane dealers from having to comply, on grounds that existing laws and regulations are adequate;
- exempts Freedom of Information Act disclosure of offsite consequence analysis (OCA) information for one year, and also exempts rankings of sites based on that data;
- requires that the President (not EPA) adopt OCA information dissemination rules applicable after the one-year moratorium, with risks of terrorism and incentives for plants to reduce inherent risks fully considered.
The regulations to be adopted must “allow access by any member of the public to paper copies” of OCA information on a “limited number” of plants anywhere in the United States, and also allow “other public access … as appropriate.” State and local officials could get OCA information on sites beyond their immediate area with approval from EPA.
Within 180 days of enactment, larger covered facilities are to hold public meetings describing local risks and providing a “summary” of their OCA information. EPA, within 180 days of enactment, is to develop a system providing OCA information to “qualified researchers,” but data would be provided solely in a “read-only” technology in order to encourage electronic distribution. That provision applies to researchers “from industry or any public interest group,” but does not mention media.
Government officials could face criminal penalties for making OCA information available unlawfully.
Since industries on June 23 reported their RMP information to EPA, the agency has received more than a dozen FOIA requests for that information, some of them from news media.
Stever Fehr of the Washington Post said his paper had identified some 500 covered facilities in the metropolitan area and had sought information on about 20 of them. EPA officials waited for guidance from Congress before responding to that request.
Kevin Carmody of the Chicago Daily Southtown, which had editorialized against the one-year disclosure ban, had FOIAed the agency for data on all facilities in Illinois.
“Our circulation area, which includes the South Side of Chicago, is very heavy with industries that we know have the potential to cause serious harm,” Carmody said. “It’s important information for our readers.”
Back to Top
Note: Formerly published by the National Safety Council. Reprinted with permission.